AN OPEN LETTER to BAE Systems: Do not return radar money to Tz Government

[Edson]

ninachoona hapa tukijioganize vizuri kwa kupitia jf tunaweza hata kumg'oa jk pale..........naona ni possible kabisa

 

[Heri]

Kwa wale wote ambao wana advocate hela kurudishwa serikalini (wabunge pamoja na baraza la mawaziri), onyesheni kwa vitendo kuwa mko serious katika jambo hili ie do something. mpelekeni wale wote waloihusika mahakamani. Nadhani PCCB can find something to charge concerned katika mahakama yetu . How about kutumia madaraka vibaya na kusababisha hasara. Uganda ex vp ame kuwa charged hivyo.
BAE kamwe hawataweza kurudisha serikalini kwa sababu itakuwa ni admission of guilt.
Serikali ya Tanzania haikuwahi hata siku moja kulalamika kuwa wamekuwa taken for aride.

 

[Mtazamaji]

Subiri nitafute email ya mama Claire Short, nimtumie pia... walau ajue yanayoendelea!!!

Huyu mama ilibidi apewe nishani na serikali ya Tanzania. Pia anatakiwa apewe hata Uraia wa heshima.

Yaani huyu mama ni Mtazania mzalendo kwa vitendo na aliwazidi zadii watanzania wazalendo kwa majina na rangi.

 

[Edson]

kwa kutumia contact website hii Email Clare | Clare Short's Website

nimefaniiwa kumpata huyu mama Clare Short.....now we can chat via skype..

 

[LAT]

kwa kutumia contact website hii Email Clare | Clare Short's Website

nimefaniiwa kumpata huyu mama Clare Short.....now we can chat via skype..

mkuu mwambie tunaomba atupe msimamo wake kuhusu hii sakata na ikiwezekana atuwekee hewani statement ya kuwa ana support au condemn

 

[Sumba-Wanga]

Jamani, pesa za EPA zilirudishwa serikalini.... zipo wapi?

Probably, he has a point, mwanakwetu!

 

[Alpha]

Nice work

 

[Edson]

Hansard 30 January 2007
Sale of Radar System (Tanzania) [30 Jan 2007]
30 Jan 2007 : Column 182
When my hon. Friend the Minister winds up, I hope that he can tell us about the
progress that has been made on criterion 8 with our European partners, or on an
international arms trade treaty. I hope that he can also tell us which countries will
pose the greatest challenge in trying to agree and enshrine such a treaty.


8.58 pm
Clare Short (Birmingham, Ladywood) (Ind Lab): I am pleased that the squalid
British Aerospace sale of a military air traffic control system to Tanzania has reached
the Floor of the House. All the parties involved in the deal should be deeply ashamed,
but it is not an issue for party-political point scoring. It is good that the debate has not
proceeded on that level.
The truth is that successive Governments of both parties go out of their way to
promote British arms sales in a way that is unprincipled, is of no economic benefit to
the UK, distorts our foreign policy and undermines our reputation. The case of the
Tanzanian air traffic control system is a particularly sordid example of the UK's
approach to arms sales. I am well aware-indeed, hopeful-that the investigation of
the case by the Serious Fraud Office might result in criminal charges. That will be
decided elsewhere. What is important here is for UK politicians to learn the lessons of
the reality of UK arms sales policy and make real changes so that similar deals are not
supported in future.
To that end, I want to put on the record what I know of British Aerospace's contract
to provide an overpriced, outdated and unnecessarily military radar system to
Tanzania, and of the powerful support given to the deal by the Secretaries of State for
Defence and for Trade and Industry, and by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime
Minister. Let us be clear: although the individuals holding those offices must take
responsibility for the approach that they adopted, they were reflecting deeply held
views and values in their respective Departments. The problem is systemic in nature,
and that is what the House of Commons has to address.
When the project was being discussed in Whitehall, I argued that it was clear that the
deal was so useless and hostile to Tanzania's interests that it must have been made
corruptly. I had no evidence at that time, but evidence has since emerged that large
payments were made to secure the deal. That is especially shameful when what was
being sold-to one of the poorest countries in the world-was a useless piece of
military technology priced far above its real value. We must therefore ask the
following question: if British Aerospace and senior UK politicians were willing to go
to the lengths that they did to secure the Tanzania deal, how much further would they
go when promoting arms sales worth billions of pounds?
I became aware of the contract when the World Bank representative in east Africa
objected to the proposed sale. Some officials who had served in the Department for
International Development for many years were surprised that the project had come
forward for a second time. I understand that there had been a proposal some years
earlier for a military air traffic control system to cover the whole country, but it had
been blocked because Tanzania simply could not afford it. Now it seemed that the
same project was being split in two and put forward again as a two-stage project.
30 Jan 2007 : Column 183
The World Bank representative in east Africa was very concerned about the contract,
as Tanzania was being considered for enhanced debt relief under the heavily indebted
poor countries initiative. As a condition of debt relief, HIPC rightly imposes controls
on future borrowing that require that it must be confined to concessionary lending-
that is, aid lending not at market rates from organisations such as the World Bank, the
African Development Bank and so on. It also imposes a ceiling even on concessionary
lending.


In this case, as has been noted, the loan was provided by Barclays bank which, as a
commercial bank, was clearly incapable of providing a concessionary loan. Barclays
colluded in this sordid project by inflating the size of the loan, it seems, and then
pretending that it was concessionary in order to evade conditions set by the World
Bank and the IMF. The smell given off by the project spread a long way, and Barclays
has not been held to account, although the hon. Member for North Norfolk (Norman
Lamb), as his party's spokesman on international development at the time, tried to do
something in that respect.
As has been said, the World Bank representative in east Africa then decided to
commission a report from the International Civil Aviation Organisation on the value
of the deal to Tanzania. At the time it was argued by the DTI-and some people have
repeated as much tonight-that Tanzania would earn money from the air traffic
control fees and that the deal would therefore finance itself. As has been noted, the
ICAO made it clear that the technology was old fashioned and expensive, that it
would cover only half the country at best, and that it would not provide Tanzania with
the air traffic control that it needed to develop its tourist industry. That development
was very much in the country's economic interest.

By contrast, as I have said, the European Investment Bank was offering a loan at a
fraction of the projected cost. From memory, I believe that it put the cost of providing
air traffic control to three or four east African countries at about £12 million. The
technology had progressed to the point that a much cheaper and more effective civil
system was available, and an EIB loan to purchase it was on offer.
There is no doubt that Tanzania needed a new civilian air traffic control system to
enhance its earnings from tourism. The British Aerospace system was an overpriced
and old-fashioned military system that did not meet that need, as the ICAO made
clear.


Sir Robert Smith (West Aberdeenshire and Kincardine) (LD): The right hon.
Lady is making a powerful analysis of what happened. She said that the DTI had
come up with the idea that the project might be commercially beneficial to Tanzania.
Did it undertake an empirical exercise and provide relevant figures, or did it merely
assume that it was possible that some benefit might arise, and offer no figures in
support of that assumption?
Clare Short: I am trying to make it clear to the House that we need to address a deep
culture in our Government system. The DTI sees it as its duty to push
30 Jan 2007 : Column 184


all arms sales deals and will always find arguments for them. That is how it is and any
incoming Government will face the same culture. We need to change it.
When the events I was describing were taking place, the Department and I planned to
offer Tanzania increased aid to help to fund a big new effort to provide free primary
education for all children-it was great to hear the Secretary of State report an
achievement figure of 96 per cent. It seemed wrong that our increased aid would
finance that objectionable project. The hon. Member for City of York (Hugh Bayley)
said that it would not. Of course it would. If we give money to a country that is
buying a rotten project for which it has to pay in foreign currency, our increased aid
is, in effect, funding the rotten project. We cannot turn away from that; we are
implicated whatever we do.


I made the decision to cut back our promised a
id by £10 million and went to see
President Mkapa-a man I greatly respect and who did a good job by his country. He
told me that the contract had been signed before he came to office, a deposit had been
paid and there was a penalty clause if Tanzania did not go ahead. I concluded that the
best way forward for all concerned was for the UK to refuse a licence under criterion
8. As has been said, Robin Cook had raised the threshold for deals made by all EU
countries to include consideration of whether an arms sale would affect sustainable
development-a provision that had never been made previously. There is no question
but that the project affected Tanzania's development and that it should have been
refused under criterion 8. If anyone argues that it should not have been refused under
that criterion, we have to change the wording to tighten up the criterion so that we
adhere to the standard.

Susan Kramer: Is the right hon. Lady saying that after the presidential election the
Tanzanian Government were interested in finding a way out of the contract? If so, that
differs from statements we have heard that a sovereign Government wanted to make
the purchase.
Clare Short: The hon. Lady makes an important point. President Mkapa was a
technocrat and a fine President, but he was not politically powerful and he inherited
the contract. If the UK had done the right thing by refusing a licence under criterion 8,
he would have been a very happy man, but there were penalty clauses for breach of
contract and a payment of about £5 million had already been made.
The important point is that it was a UK decision. At that stage, I spoke personally to
the Prime Minister, the Chancellor and the Foreign Secretary-then Robin Cook. The
Chancellor and the Foreign Secretary agreed that we should stand firmly against the
deal, but the Prime Minister just listened and gave no undertaking. The 2001 election
then intervened and Robin Cook was replaced by a new Foreign Secretary who was
strongly briefed by his Department and strongly supported the deal-the Foreign
Office is at it, too; it absolutely believes that its duty to the UK is to promote arms
sales.


The argument going on in Whitehall got into the public domain, and the Deputy
Prime Minister convened an ad hoc Cabinet Committee to try to resolve the problem.
The clear message from No. 10 was that the
30 Jan 2007 : Column 185
deal must go ahead, come what may, and all Secretaries of State were pressurised in
that direction. We-that is I and officials at DFID, which is a great Department with
lovely people-were still determined to fight, but only then did we discover that there
was a secret pre-deal approval system. The Ministry of Defence had given approval
for the project, which was already under construction in the Isle of Wight, on the basis
that it would not be contested because it was uncontroversial. The thing was being
built, people were working on it and by that stage, although we tried, no one could be
persuaded not to issue a licence.


It is easy to say that we should cut off aid if there is corruption, but there are many
poor and hungry people in Tanzania. The aid is for them. Someone else stole the
money, but if we punish the poor for that we are punishing the wrong people. What
should we do? That is the dilemma and that is why we need to tighten up our systems.
President Mkapa and I reached the agreement that if he promised that there would be
no second half to the project, we would go ahead with increasing our aid. I saw him
after he had ceased to be President, and he told me that he had kept the promise, so
although that makes the system even more useless-because it covers only part of the
country-at least no more money was wasted.


My conclusion is that we need to ensure that such a project will never again be made.
If we all agree that it is disgusting-and I think that it is great to see the Tory party
engaging in this debate-we have a chance to try to clean up our system. Current UK
policy is based on the assumption that all arms sales are good for the UK economy.
Read Samuel Brittan repeatedly in the Financial Times and discover that that is not
the case. No other sector is subsidised with so much political muscle pushing up the
exports, come what may. If the sector cannot be profitable in its own right, the highquality
engineers who work in it should be redeployed in other sectors.
Secondly, there seems to be a belief that somehow we have to have an indigenous
arms industry as though Napoleon might invade and we need to be able to make our
own rifles. It is a completely time-lagged notion of the need to prop up and support
arms exports. One of its effects is that our military gets lousy radios, lousy rifles and
so forth that would have been better supplied if we purchased some of the equipment
on the international markets.


I repeat how pleased I am that the Tory party has raised this issue, but let us go
beyond the usual point scoring. We have really uncovered something dirty here. The
sale should never have been approved. All those senior officers in our Government
should not be promoting dirty arms deals like this. If criterion 8 allows it through, let
us tighten it up. Let us agree it cross party. Let us clean ourselves up and look again at
the way in which we organise arms sales for our country. We could improve our
reputation enormously and improve our relationship with all sorts of countries,
including some of the poorest countries in the world.


9.11 pm
Daniel Kawczynski (Shrewsbury and Atcham) (Con): My right hon. Friend the
Member for Hitchin and Harpenden (Mr. Lilley) made a very good speech and I


30 Jan 2007 : Column 186
concur with his comments about the right hon. Member for Birmingham, Ladywood
(Clare Short), who has acted very honourably throughout this entire process. I want to
congratulate her-on the record-on that.

 

[Edson]

mkuu mwambie tunaomba atupe msimamo wake kuhusu hii sakata na ikiwezekana atuwekee hewani statement ya kuwa ana support au condemn

amenitumia hiyo hansard hapo juu na anasema ni kweli tuliingizwa mkenge na viongozi wetu walikula rushwa.......mama yuko social ile mbaya hahaha....yuko njia anatoka palestina maana sasa hivi anadela na conflict kati ya palestina na israel

 

[Rugas]

Waziri Linda Chalker wa Uingereza alijiuzuru kupinga kampuni ya BAE kuiuzia TZ rada kwa bei ya kuruka. Alituonea uchungu sana kwa kitendo hicho. Je hapa TZ ni nani mwenye uchungu ameiga mfano huo kwa kuwajibika? Kama hakuna, BAE asilaumiwe!

kwa uchungu nilio nao mimi ntajiuzulu UTANZANIA! UKIACHA HILI LA RADA!MAMBO YANAYOFANYIKA KWENYE BUNGE LA TANZANIA NI YA AIBU ZAIDI!

 

[Kachanchabuseta]

hii amenitumia mama clare short alipokuwa anaonge bungeni juu ya rada


.

http://www.clareshort.co.uk/speeches/30%20Jan%202007.Sale%20of%20Radar%20to%20Tanzania.pdf

 

[Edson]

http://www.clareshort.co.uk/speeches/30 Jan 2007.Sale of Radar to Tanzania.pdf

alituma kwa skype then akanambia mahali ilipo kwenye hiyo website...nadhani hata wewe umepta hii address bada ya mimi kuiweka hapa

 

[maulaga]

Hata mimi najiuliza hizi gharama zote hadi kupeleka ujumbe wa wabunge uingereza na kuwahudumia kwa zaidi ya wiki nzima majamaa yakigeza nia ya kulipa hatuoni tutakuwa tunaongeza hasara zaidi.

Yaleyale ya kuuza ng'ombe ili ushinde kesi ya kuku!

 

[Wacha1]

Huyu M k w e r e havimbiwi tu tunae na hatutachoka kwa sababu muda tunao na bado tuna nguvu. Bravo Enigma .... ....

 

[Sheba]

Jamani wahusika wote wa radda upande wa TAnzania hakuna hata mmoja aliyeshtakiwa kwa serious crimes; kama kweli serikali inaaamini iliingizwa mjini wameshindwa nini kumsaka kwa udi na uvumba Vithlani? Hivi kweli wanataka tuamini hawajui alipo?

Mwanakijiji,Kule Uingereza ameshitakiwa nani?

 

[EMT]

Yaani serikali inajichanganya sana. Mh Member aliliambia Bunge kuwa serikali ilidhamiria kutumia fedha hizo kununua vitabu milioni 4.4 kwa ajili ya wanafunzi wa shule za msingi, vitabu 192,000 vya kufundishia kwa ajili ya walimu wa shule hizo, madawati 200,000 kwa ajli ya wanafunzi 16,000, kujenga nyumba 1,196 za walimu na vyoo 200,000 kwenye shule za msingi nchini. Hapo hapo Naibu Spika wa Bunge Job Ndugai akihojiwa na TBC amesema "Tunaomba katika hili Watanzania wote tuungane ili fedha hiyo iletwe serikalini na bunge liweze kuipangia matumizi. Huku kama sio kujichanganya ni nini?

 

[Sheba]

Yaleyale ya kuuza ng'ombe ili ushinde kesi ya kuku!

Maulaga,Timu ya Wabunge hata iweje haiwezi kutumia hata asilimia moja ya. Thamani ya fedha zinazodaiwa. Wanashinikiza nchi ilipwe Pauni 29.5 milioni, unataka kuniambia kuwa gharama za Timu hiyo ni zaidi ya Pauni 29.5?

 

[Mtazamaji]

wakuu.

Naomba mwenye data kuhusu vile vijisenti vya chenge maana inawezekana a taarifa "official " zilizotoka sikuzipata vizuri au zote

• Inasemekana Chenge alisema vile vijisenti ni vya NGO.

Sasa may be nilimiss kitu je una watu waliuatilia au kuna taarifa ilitoka kujua

• Jina La NGO yenye hizo pesa?
• Inajishughulisha na nini?
• makao makuu ya Hiyo NGO yako wapi.?
• Chenge ni nani kwenye hiyo NGO?

Wasi wasi wangu ni hizo pesa za rada watu wanataka ziende kwenye NGO lakini nadhani watu kama kina chenge wa NGO nyingi hapa bongo. Ndio maana sometime unashangaa NGO inajishughulisha na kilimo makao makuu yake yako Dar.

SO naomba mwenye detail zaidi. na natanguliza shukrani.

 

[Sheba]

June 24th, 2011To Whom It May Concern

END For those who want to support this stance: ​

Hiki bila shaka ni kizazi kama kile cha Benghazi. Watoto wa watumwa ni watumwa. Tulikuwa na kizazi kama hiki kilikuwa kwenye Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Tanganyika likipinga kupitishwa kwa kiswahili kuwa lugha ya taifa. Kizazi kama hiki cha Benghazi kilikuwako wakati wa vita vya kagera na vilikimbia kujificha na kukwepa kwenda vitani, kizazi kama hiki kilijuwa kikiishi ughaibuni kikilalama kuwa Nyerere ni dikteta anakandamiza watazania n.k.Historia imetufunza kuwa kizazo hiki huwa hakifanikiwi. Kilikuwapo na kitakuwapo. Hakitashinda sauti ya walio wengi. Mtoto wa mtumwa ni mtumwa!​

 

[Dr Matola PhD]

R]Hiki bila shaka ni kizazi kama kile cha Benghazi. Watoto wa watumwa ni watumwa. Tulikuwa na kizazi kama hiki kilikuwa kwenye Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Tanganyika likipinga kupitishwa kwa kiswahili kuwa lugha ya taifa. Kizazi kama hiki cha Benghazi kilikuwako wakati wa vita vya kagera na vilikimbia kujificha na kukwepa kwenda vitani, kizazi kama hiki kilijuwa kikiishi ughaibuni kikilalama kuwa Nyerere ni dikteta anakandamiza watazania n.k.Historia imetufunza kuwa kizazo hiki huwa hakifanikiwi. Kilikuwapo na kitakuwapo. Hakitashinda sauti ya walio wengi. Mtoto wa mtumwa ni mtumwa!

Labda mkuu wewe ambaye mwenye akili nyingi kuliko watu wote ningekuomba utufundishe kitu kimoja, hivi ukitaka kuwaandikia barua Waingereza unapawsa uandike kwa lugha gani?